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A two-episode podcast in which historian and professor Dr. Sarah Seekatz explains the research and findings from her sabbatical project on the history of building names at San Joaquin Delta College.
The podcast presents Dr. Seekatz's work exploring who these buildings were named after, how those choices were made, and why those histories matter today.
Produced by Digital Media students Peter Espitia and Cheyenne Wells.
For more information or to read Dr. Seekatz's full sabbatical report, contact: sarah.seekatz@deltacollege.edu
PETER: Everything has a name. Think about your own name for a minute. Do you know where it came from, what it means, what it meant when it was given to you? Or maybe you’ve chosen a name, one that fits you like a glove, coming from someone or something you admire. Now think about where you went to school. Wilson, Cleveland, Hoover, Christa McAuliffe, John Muir, Julia Morgan, Commodore, Lincoln, the list goes on. And on our own campus, here at San Joaquin Delta College, we have buildings named after just as many people. Danner Hall, Shima, Holt, Tillie Lewis…. Budd.
We trust that somewhere along the way, during the process of creating something out of nothing, the possible names and the people behind them were carefully picked, deliberated, and vetted. But what if they weren’t?
For historian and professor Dr. Sarah Seekatz, one name near her office caught her attention that would lead her down a path of questioning who we choose to honor… and what we choose to leave out.
I’m Peter Espitia for Delta College’s Digital Media department, and this is What’s In a Name?
DR. SEEKATZ: My name is Dr. Sarah Seekatz and I’m a professor of history here at San Joaquin Delta College, and I especially teach Mexican American history.
I’m a public historian, and public historians are very curious about the way we remember things and what gets included and what gets left out.
My other focus was California history, including Latino history and the ways in which Latinos are included or excluded from museums and public history and things like that.
So I spent some time working in museums, and eventually I became a professor here at Delta College about 10 years ago.
And one of the things that I noticed in the building where I worked and where I had my office was that there was a plaque to a man named James Budd. And I read the plaque.
It says the Budd Center at San Joaquin Delta College was dedicated on July 24th, 1976, named for lawyer James H. Budd, a lawyer, congressman, and the 19th governor of California, the only Democrat to win state office in the Republican sweep of 1894, a farsighted statesman as well as a skillful politician.
I saw that sort of close to my office and I thought, that's so strange because, as historians, we're always reading between the lines and trying to put context into things. And what I know that maybe a lot of other people don't know is that in 1894, in the 1880s and 1890s, the Democratic Party was the party of white supremacy and they were very much leading the fight against racial equality during Reconstruction, trying to limit the rights of newly freed enslaved peoples. They were also on the forefront of immigration reform in a way that was very harmful to many people who had wanted to come to the United States, and they were also very anti-Chinese.
So it was alarming to me that the campus would be celebrating someone who identified as a Democrat in that moment, and it just got me really curious about who James Budd was. So long before I began a deep project, I set out to look at who James Budd was, and it was very clear very early on in looking at his congressional record when he was a congressperson that he was very anti-Chinese, which made me question again why San Joaquin Delta College would have his name up on the building.
We as historians, we've taught this kind of stuff, and paying attention to the little details is always setting you up for surprises, I think.
Well, I've been involved in the renamings on campus, specifically in renaming the Plaza Dolores Huerta Plaza, and I supported others who were working to rename one of the forums, Campesino Forums, and I was in support of renaming the Dawn Mabalon Forum that way. So I was sort of familiar with the process here, but I was really curious, like, how did we get the names in the first place? Before we even talk about renaming, how do we get the original names and what is this history?
I decided that when I took a sabbatical, which is when professors step away from the classroom and step away from teaching and instead focus on a project, some type of research that really helps the campus, that I really wanted to uncover this history so that if the students, if the community, if the faculty, the staff, if the Delta College campus wanted to. Change names, they would have full background moving forward so that they can make a more educated decision than just like the seven line bios that are on all the plaques around campus.
And so I was able to take that sabbatical and really dig deep into newspaper archives and all kinds of records locally and digitally that talked about who all these people were around campus. And then why were they named this way? Who were the people that were doing the naming?
And really, we as public historians are always asking whose stories are getting told, whose stories are not, and why?
So I think one of the ones that's the easiest to talk about is James Budd, who brought me to the project in the first place.
A lot of times the campus and the larger community remembers James Budd because he's a governor, and that's a big deal. There are not that many governors in the state of California. He was also a congressperson, and that's also a political accomplishment.
One of his main goals while he was a politician was really to push Chinese immigrants out of California and out of the United States. That's sort of hidden in all the discussion that historians are having about him or that we've had about him here on campus.
People will take care to say he was involved in pure food and drug reform or that he was sort of against the railroads, but all of that came second to his major focus, which was really harassing the Chinese through laws and policy and also through a really violent rhetoric.
Before Congress in 1884, he said that, "in the United States, the Chinese possess all the traits of their kind in China. Females are brought under contracts and bonds of prostitution. Perjury in our courts is general. Murders are common, and rewards for the latter are openly published in Chinese language in Chinatown. As to the contamination of our youths by opium and syphilis, it's widespread. I believe their presence now and heretofore a curse."
And so I think it's so important that we look at his own words. I mean, he's using the same anti-immigrant rhetoric that we hear today in 2025.
He's saying that the Chinese are immoral. He's saying that they're criminals and they're dangerous because they're murdering people, lying, and that they're trafficking in drugs. He's focusing on opium, but that they also are carrying diseases and corrupting our youth. I mean, we've heard this problematic, really deeply troubling rhetoric around immigration, and as someone who teaches Mexican-American history, as someone who is Mexican-American history, he could be talking about my ancestors too because that anti-immigrant rhetoric starts with Asian immigration, and then it quickly proceeds to all immigrants. I mean, the foundation of our immigration policy is about excluding Asian immigrants, specifically the Chinese.
So he went before Congress and asked for time to talk about this. He asked that they consider sort of expanding the Chinese Immigration Act, which happened in 1882 and that essentially forbid Chinese immigrants from coming to the United States, particularly if they are workers. There were a few exceptions for merchants and diplomats.
But he's asking his fellow congressmen to reconsider and make it really clearly about race and ethnicity.
He's introducing an anti-opium bill. And we might think on the surface that that's about limiting access to drugs in the United States, but as a historian, right, we know that there's a lot of people doing opium in the United States in that moment. And many of them are women who are drinking it.
His bill prohibits the smoking of opium, which is a way that some people who did do opium that were of Chinese descent would prefer. But it totally allowed for the consumption of opium in other ways, largely the vast majority of people who are consuming it through these patent drugs by drinking it. So he's even going on record saying, if we drive out opium use, then we can drive out the Chinese because he so closely associated them with criminal behavior and with drugs. I mean, this is the same type of rhetoric that we're hearing about immigrants even today.
today So I think that really uncovering how his Chinese, anti-Chinese rhetoric was such a core part of who he felt that he was, was a really important correction to the historical record because people have gone on record and said he was a governor, he was the only governor from Stockton, he helped bring money for the deepwater port in Stockton, but the core of who he was and what he really fought for was to prevent the Chinese from coming.
And even when he left Congress, he turned as a local citizen to try and exclude the Chinese from Stockton itself. When he was a citizen in 1885, he was a part of a huge meeting of about 300 people that was forming to sort of remove the Chinese from Chinatown, and he said he, quote, wanted to make it, quote, devilishly uncomfortable so that in adding laws to the books in Stockton, it would be so difficult for them to, let's say, make a living or to have housing that they would leave Stockton and go somewhere else. He says, law or no law, Chinamen must go.
If we're saying we're gonna get rid of the Chinese without a law, then what's left is violence. And that's really what he's calling for, not only in Congress, but also laws that he's calling for in Congress, policies that he's calling for in Stockton, but also outright violence that he's calling for.
But, you know, that's not the end of Budd's story; he also has a lot of problematic history with women, and it's certainly sort of a theme of Bud's life that he didn't really see our immigrant ancestors as equal, and I don't think he saw our female ancestors as equal.
What came out when he was running for governor was that he had impregnated a very young woman who was not his wife. This young woman, her name is Nancy Neff, and I think putting her name in the record is really important.
Nancy Neff had grown up near Budd, and her grandfather had given her and her siblings property, sort of some family scandal where the grandpa didn't wanna give it to the mom, so the kids had it. So it's this complicated legal thing where they got property.
Because Nancy was underage, her parents had wanted to move to Oregon, and they were gonna leave her in Stockton, but she was underage, so they needed someone to sort of act on her behalf. So she was James Budd's financial ward, at the very least, if not outright ward. And to be somebody's ward means like somebody is over you; they have power over you, legally speaking. And listen, if you ask the historians, but even if you ask the woman, any woman, if you have power over a woman's money, you have power over her.
If you're thinking about that, that's even more true in the 1870s when this is happening. So he was her, at least, financial controller; he oversaw her money, she was his ward, and she became pregnant. She went to San Francisco with him and gave birth, and the baby was either stillborn or born too early. There's some discussion of whether or not it was an abortion, but the baby or the fetus doesn't survive, and then Nancy gets really sick.
She ends up with smallpox, and he put her into a smallpox hospital where three days after giving birth, she died. But what happened in those three days is also really telling because in those three days, Nancy Neff made a new will.
James Budd was named the person who was supposed to get everything.
Doctors were interviewed and they said she's dying of smallpox, there's no way in these three days that she could have signed this will that gave James Budd everything. And James Budd is a lawyer, he knows the law very well.
It’s likely, it's probably… I believe that he was forcing her to sign a will that gave him everything. And one of the greatest pieces of evidence we have for that is Nancy Neff is an educated lady–she knows how to write, she knows how to read. And instead of a signature, she just has an X for her name. So she was incapacitated in a way where she wasn't even able to sign her name–she shouldn't have been signing a will.
James Budd then sort of takes the land. He says he never profited from it, but he also claims that the Neff family were his family, and if that's the case, then the family should have gotten all of this. So it's this really long and complicated legal thing that is also swept under the rug.
There's never a mention of it in anything at Delta College that talks about this. There's never a mention of the Chinese exclusion he fought for, there's never a mention of his problem with Neff.
But also, this comes out when he's running for governor about a month before the election, and he just kind of dismisses everything. He'd sort of like, if you've ever seen Hamilton and he's trying to write his way out, he just writes these incredibly long things that say the Neffs should be grateful because I was such a son to them.
And the Neffs took him to court and they were like, you tried to beseech our daughter's name. We sat here with you when you guys told us that she was pregnant and you said you were gonna get a divorce and marry her and you didn't do that. And now you're claiming to be the hero in all of this. He never apologizes or anything like that, so this is really troubling.
When he does become governor, he vetoes a bill that would have raised the age of consent, which I think is also really troubling. The Women's Christian Temperance Organization had been going state by state trying to increase their age of consent, meaning they wanted it to be 18 years old before a person could choose to have sex or choose to get married.
The legislature had increased that in the state of California from 14 to 18. And Governor Budd vetoed it.
When asked why, he refused to sort of comment, but his friends went ahead and commented for him and really suggested that they shouldn't have this law because there was no exception for women who were loose. So this is basically saying these children who had been raped or who had engaged in consensual premarital sex, there should have been a loophole for them so that that was the reason why he vetoed it. And we are talking about children here. And a lot of the women who had campaigned for this, they put the blame squarely on Budd's shoulders because they had worked really hard to get the legislature on board and to pass this law, and Budd's the one that killed it. And they aren't able to get this law into effect until about two years after women won the right to vote in California and then demanded it.
So he has troubling history with women. He has so many points in time where he talks against the Chinese. He also engaged in blackface. And blackface is a cultural practice in the United States where white people used burnt cork to paint their face and to make fun of African Americans. That was the point of blackface: to dehumanize them and to sort of, quote unquote, act like them, but in a way that was also dehumanizing the way that they spoke, the way that they dressed, the jobs that they were doing, the songs that they sung. And James Budd loved that form of entertainment. He went on record talking about that.
And he also, because he was so into theater, he put on blackface and performed at least once. And if you talk to historians, they've talked about this a lot and about how dehumanizing that was and the way in which that made it easier to pass laws that were not allowing African-Americans to be full citizens and made it easier for violence to become really widespread.
So knowing all that about James Budd made me really question–part of our mission statement is to be student-centered. And can we be student-centered if we slap the names of racists and misogynists on our buildings?
Part of our mission statement is to be anti-racist. And that may involve us reconsidering who we're choosing to honor, because it is an honor to have a building named after you.
That really led me to question… how did Budd get this honor in the first place?
PETER: In our next episode, Dr. Seekatz tells us just who chose the names for the buildings on the Delta College Campus.
Thank you for listening to What’s In A Name. I’m Peter Espitia. Thank you to Dr. Sarah Seekatz for her research and dedication to our students. Our audio technician has been Cheyenne Wells. Music credit goes to Pixabay.
This has been a production of KWDC 93.5 LPFM, Delta College Radio. This program is made possible by listeners like you. Programming is produced by the students, staff and faculty of San Joaquin Delta College’s Digital Media Department. It is supported by the Delta College Department of Arts and Multimedia, the Career Technical Education and Workforce Development office, and the State of California. Thank you for listening.

